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Causes of Palatine EmigrationTHE CAUSES OF THE EARLY "PALATINE" EMIGRATIONS
German peoples, variously estimated from two thousand to thirty-two
thousand(1), arrived in London between May and November of 1709. A year
earlier a small band of fifty had preceded them. As most of the latter
and the greater part of the former group came from the Rhenish or Lower
Palatinate, the name "Palatine" was applied indiscriminately to the rest
of the immigrants, although they came from the neighboring territories
as well.(2)
A contemporary pamphlet lists the home principalities as follows: the
Palatinate, the districts of Darmstadt and Hanau, Franconia (including
the area around the cities of Nuremburg, Baireuth and Wurzburg), the Archbishopric
of Mayence, and the Archbishopric of Treves. The districts of Spires, Worms,
Hesse-Darmstadt, Zweibrucken, Nassau, Alsace and Baden are also mentioned.(3)
To this list Wiirtemberg must be added, since a number of Palatines are
known to have emigrated thence, notably John Conrad Weiser. The area, from
which the emigration poured, extended along both sides of the Rhine River
and its tributaries, the Main and Neckar Rivers. It extended roughly from
the junction of the Moselle and the Rhine south to Basle, Switzerland;
and from Zweibrucken, alongside Lorraine, as far west along the Main as
Baireuth, bordering the Upper (or Bavarian) Palatinate.(4) Many causes
were given for the unprecedented size of the emigration. That most frequently
mentioned was devastation by war. The end of the Thirty Years' War left
the people of the Palatinate prostrate. True enough a remarkable recovery
from this visitation was achieved, due to the fertility of the soil and
the co-operation of the ruler, but prosperity was short-lived; in the latter
part of the seventeenth century the Palatinate was repeatedly the stamping
ground of Louis XIV's armies. Marshal Turenne thoroughly devastated the
province in 1674. Moreover, protracted disputes among the neighboring princes,
remaining from the religious wars of the early part of the century, gave
rise to continuous warfare, in one instance between the Archbishop of Mayence
assisted by the Duke of Lorraine, and the Elector Palatine.(5) In 1688-9
partly to vent his malice against Protestants, the Grand Monarch had the
Palatinate laid waste again. The military necessities following William
III's "conquest" of England probably made this step necessary. At any rate
over two hundred years later the Heidelberg ruins left by this invasion
were described as "the most interesting ruins in Europe."(6)
During the War of the Spanish Succession, Marshal Villars crossed the
Rhine unexpectedly in May, 1707, terrorized southwestern Germany, plundering
and requisitioning freely on the Palatinate, Wiirtemberg, Baden and the
Swabian Circle.' In September of the same year, the French retired across
the Rhine, having, in the words of an angry colonel in the English army,
"over-run the lazy and sleepy Empire and not only maintained a great army
in it all the year, but by contributions, sent money into France to help
the King's other affairs.",, Not only was this invasion unnecessary from
a military point of view but it was also a political blunder, a military
blunder, for it united Germany against Louis. (9) But for the people living
in the war zone, these invasions wiped out the fruits of many new and promising
revivals, and discouraged further struggle for better living conditions.
(10)
To the curse of devastation was added an unkind prank of nature, when
at the end of 1708 a winter, cruel beyond the precedent of a century, set
in to blight the region. As early as the beginning of October the cold
was intense, and by November 1st, it was said, firewood would not burn
in the open air! In January of 1709 wine and spirits froze into solid blocks
of ice; birds on the wing fell dead; and, it is said, saliva congealed
in its fall from the mouth to the ground.(11) Most of Western Europe was
frozen tight. The Seine and all the other rivers were ice-bound and on
the 8th of January, the Rhone, one of the most rapid rivers of Europe,
was covered with ice. But what had never been seen before, the sea froze
sufficiently all along the coasts to bear carts, even heavily laden. (12)
Narcissus Luttrell, a famous English diarist of that day, wrote of the
great violence of the frost in England and in foreign parts, where several
men were frozen to death in many countries. The Arctic weather lasted well
into the fourth month. Perhaps THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 5 the period
of heaviest frost was from the 6th to the 2.Sth of January. Then snow fell
until February 6th. 14 The fruit trees were killed and the vines were destroyed.
The calamity of this unusually bitter weather fell heavily on the husbandman
and vine-dressers, who in consequence made up more than half of the emigrants
Of 1709. " Other influences almost as malign, though of a more chronic
nature, were disturbing the inhabitants of the Rhine Valley. The splendor
of Versailles had dazzled many petty rulers of Germany, who sought to emulate
the gorgeous court life surrounding Louis XIV. The expenses of their lavish
and arrogant living had to be met by heavy taxes on their subjects, often
so exhausting as to leave the peasants themselves with- out bread. Naturally
bitter feelings were aroused against the ruling class, who called themselves
fathers of the people without exhibiting any traces of fatherly care for
their wel- fare. The need for money to carry on war too made the taxes
mount higher day by day. A letter from the Palatinate in i 68 i mentioned
that "Thousands would gladly leave the Father- land if they had the means
to do so," because of the French devastation and "besides this, we are
now suffering the plague of high taxes.",, Conditions did not improve during
the next twenty-five years apparently, for an unbiased report from the
Palatines waiting in Holland for transportation to England stated they
came flying "to shake of the burdens they ly under by the hardshipps of
their Princes governments and the contributions they must pay to the Enemy.
"(17) Therefore, oppressive feudal exactions by the petty rulers may be
regarded as one of the underlying reasons for the emigration.(18)
Another cause suggested, and in general accepted in eighteenth century
England, was religious persecution. Certainly religious conditions were
of large importance in the early eighteenth century. To ingratiate themselves
with benevolently inclined people, emigrants found it convenient to plead
religious persecution. Friends of the immigration in England justified
their help on religious grounds, while others fiercely attacked the authenticity
of the rumored persecutions. The disagreement on this point has been perpetuated
by descendants of that German stock, who are reluctant to forego a lustrous
prestige equal to that of the Pilgrim Fathers.
What was the religious condition of the Germanies in 1709? Cuius regia,
eius religion established at the Peace of Augsburg (1555) and modified
by the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), was still functioning. It recognized
three churches: Catholic, Lutheran and Calvinist, and provided that the
religion of the ruler should be the religion of the people. Under such
conditions religious persecution might well exist. The belief that religious
persecution was a cause is strengthened at first sight by the fact that
the Elector of the Palatinate in 1709 was John William, Duke of Newburg,
a Catholic.(19) There are no formal charges of persecution, however, about
1709. (20) Of course, this might be due to the inexpediency of criticizing
the Elector Palatine, an English ally in the War of the Spanish Succession
then being waged. But by the same token, the Elector should have found
it poor policy to affront his Protestant ally (England), by mistreatment
of his own Protestant subjects.(21) John William had reigned since 1690.
While there are reports of persecution in 1699, (22) were religious intolerance
at that time the sole cause of the emigration, it should have driven away
these German emigrants before 1709.
The disagreement on this point in the past, warrants a close examination of the religious composition of those immigrant groups in London. Of the first forty-one Germans of the 1708 immigration, fifteer. were Lutherans and twenty- six Calvinists (or Reformed). 23 The fourteen others who joined the group in London were also Protestants. In their petition to the Queen this group, all Protestant, made no mention of religious persecution. They spoke though, of the French ravages in 1707 in the Rhine and Neckar Valleys. 2, For the 1709 immigration, four lists compiled in London exist of those who arrived from May 3rd to June 16th. Unfortunately no lists seem to have been made in London after that date, but for the 6500 Palatines then present these lists are informative and reliable. They were made by two German clergymen at the English court, John Tribbeko, chaplain to the late royal consort, Prince George of Denmark, and George Andrew Ruperti, minister of St. Mary's German Lutheran Church in Savoy. The 1770 families were distributed as follows: Lutherans, 550; Reformed, 693; Catholics, 512.; Baptists, 12.; Mennonites, 3. Almost one-third of the Palatines in London on June 16, 1709, were of the Catholic faith. (25)
Religious persecution by the Catholic Elector might drive out Protestants,
but certainly not Catholics. It might still be held that the Protestants
had fled from Catholic rulers and the Catholics from Protestant princes.
Yet, on August 2, 1709, an English gentleman, Roger Kenyon, wrote to his
sister-in-law that he had visited the Palatines on Blackheath, a commons
seven miles southeast of London. He added that they "came over not on account
of religious persecution, for most of them were under Protestant princes..."(26)
The real religious difficulties in Germany were those created by the clash
of the various sects. Anton Wilhelm Bohme, pastor of the German Court Chapel
of St. James and an influential friend of the Palatines at court, so advised
a correspondent in Germany on May 26, 1710. Bohme mentions the desire of
many people to seek a non-sectarian Christianity in Pennsylvania. The question
which Bbhme answered was whether it was deemed advisable that people, who
on account of their conscience could no longer subscribe to any sect and
therefore were tolerated almost nowhere, should carry out their desire
to emigrate although they had no real certainty of God's will. In a fatherly
fashion, Bohme advised them to examine their own conscience for the inner
or motivating cause of such an important journey. Significantly, he wrote
that many a man, after he had acquired flourishing acres in America, forgot
the religious motivation of his pilgrimage. Such people degenerated so
far that they were more concerned with the cultivation of their lands than
of their souls. Bohme added that they stood as so many monuments, warning
others not to allow greed to move them.(27)
Although Bohme strongly doubted the religious urge for the new world,
he also mentioned disagreement with, and persecutions by, the authorities
incited by religious zealots and orthodox Churchmen. These, he held, should
be suffered for the sake of truth and the glorious blessing promised by
the Lord. The persecutions must not have been severe, for Bohme confessed
that he could not see how a Christian could, on account of the oppression
suffered up to then, leave his fatherland." The German divine dwelt at
great length upon the dangerous temptations of religious squabbles.
The theory, that religious persecution was a most impor- tant cause
for these emigrations, has been impaired by Bohme's letter. In his argument,
he declared that only a very few of these people, when they came to England,
had provided themselves with a prayer-book or similar religious work. Fewer
still had a New Testament or Bible, and they would have remained without
any were it not for the Queen's generosity.(29) This fact lends support
to other evidence. The Catholic Elector Palatine John William had issued
on November 21, 1705, a declaration promising liberty of consciences In
1707 a disinterested person testified to the sincere execution of the declarations,
On the 27th of June, 1709, the Council of the Protestant Consistory in
the Palatinate issued a statement denying the pretences of emigrants that
they were persecuted.(32) Indeed, a colonial report of the Evangelical
Lutheran Con- gregation in Pennsylvania made this statement, "Some may
think that it is unreasonable to care for these people, as the most of
them went into this distant part of the globe from their own irregular
impulse, and without necessity or calling, because it no longer suited
them to comply with good order in their native lands."(33) The plea was
made then not to make the children born in America suffer for the error
of their parents.
Indeed a dispatch from Holland in June, 1709, reported that the Palatines,
Protestants and Catholics, "seem to agree all very well, being several
of them mixed together husbands and wives of different religion or united
by parentage." Further, they were "flying not so much for religion" as
for other reasons .(34) Considering these facts it must be concluded that
religious persecution was not an important cause for the 1708-9 Palatine
emigrations. Religious disputes and squabbles may have contributed in a
minor way. Due to the special conditions existing along the Rhine and in
England, it was advantageous to pose as "poor German Protestants" persecuted
for their faith. This will be discussed in greater detail below.
To devastation by war, oppression by petty princes imitating the "Sun
Monarch," the destructive winter of 1708-9, and religious bickerings, may
be added a desire for adventure so usual in the youth of any land. These
causes created a dissatisfaction with their present lot, which only irritated
another potent cause, that of land hunger. A number of Palatines in New
York were overheard to remark, "We came to America to establish our families-to
secure lands for our children on which they will be able to support themselves
after we die." (35) But all these causes themselves would pe;haps have
been in- sufficient to call forth such a great emigration of large families
with young children on their hands. How did the attraction of the foreign
shore come to them?
To those Germans dissatisfied with their lot, effected by the conditions
outlined above, came the enticing advertising of English proprietors of
the colonies in America. Pamphlets extolling the climate and life in the
New World were disseminated throughout the Rhine Valley. Agents for the
proprietors entered into negotiations with interested parties. Adventurers
like Francois Louis Michel and George Ritter engaged to bring companies
of colonists.(36) Correspondence was carried on between proprietors and
prospective settlers. All these activities were in the interests of Carolina
or Pennsylvania.
One of the Germans, Ulrich Simmendinger by name, migrated with these
groups to New York;" and having lost his two children in England, he and
his wife, Anna Margaretta, returned to their fatherland about 1717. Shortly
thereafter he published a little booklet," giving an account of his experi-
ences and containing a list of those people he had left behind in New York.
For this reason it is valuable in the study of that emigration. Simmendinger
says that assuredly his friends would not think he made this hazardous
trip for excitement and adventure, particularly with his wife and children.
His resolution was made under the paternal necessity of providing for his
own wife and children. He says nothing of religious persecution. Simmendinger
apparently emigrated then with the intention of enjoying a better competence
because of aid expected from the British Queen(39) He further states that
in the year 1709, in response to the genuinely golden promises written
by the Englishmen, many other families from the Palatinate also set forth
to England in order to go from there to Pennsylvania. (40)
In regard to the "golden promises," it is worth noticing that a British
parliamentary committee investigating the causes of the immigration reported:
"And upon the examination of several of them [the Palatines] what were
the motives which induced them to leave their native country, it appears
to the committee that there were books and papers dispersed in the Palatinate
with the Queen's picture before the book and the Title Pages in Letters
of Gold (which from thence was called the Golden Book), to encourage them
to come to England in order to be sent to Carolina or other of her Majesty's
Plantations to be settled there. The book is chiefly a recommendation of
that country.(41)
This work thus referred to might have been written by Kocherthal, as
his book first appeared in 1706.(42)
The Reverend Joshua Kocherthal(43) described as a German evangelical
minister, had not been to America at the time he published his book, but
he had been in England to make inquiries about the colonies.(44) Did Kocherthal
come to some agreement with important members of the ministry? Was he their
agent or was he simply in the service of the proprietors of Carolina? No
definite promises are made in his book but several passages, coupled with
the Qaeen's picture and the glided title-page, might give the impression
to the poor people into whose hands the book would come, that they might
expect help from her, both in crossing the channel and after their arrival
in England, in going to the colonies. One passage read, "Whereupon finally
the proposal was made that the Queen be presented with a supplication to
whether she herself would not grant the ships ... But these proposals are
too extensive to describe here, and yet it is hoped that through them the
effort will not be in vain, although in this matter no one can promise
anything certain . . . ."(45), That its effect was great can be judged
by its circulation. This handbook for Germans was so much in demand in
the year 1709, that at least three more editions were printed.(46) In fact,
the book continued to have such an effect, even after Kocherthal had gone
to New York in 1708, that Reverend Anton Wilhelm Bohme, a friend of the
Palatines at court and previously referred to, felt called upon to contribute
several letters for a pamphlet under the title, Das verlangte nicht erlangte
Canaan ("The desired, not acquired Canaan"), directed specifically against
Kocherthal's roseate description of Carolina.(47)
An interesting collection of manuscripts now preserved in the Library
of Congress throws light on the problem presented by Kocherthal's veiled
promises. This collection, known as the Archdale Papers, contains correspondence
of John Archdale, one of the proprietors of Carolina. As early as 1705,
Archdale was arranging for a settlement in Carolina by what was called
the High German Company of Thuringia. Polycarpus Michael Pricherbach, the
German correspondent, writing from Langensalza in Thuringia, mentioned
reading Richard Blome's English America, a description of the English possessions
in the western hemisphere. This had been translated into German and published
in Leipzig in 1697. Four deputies were sent over to London with the intention
of visiting some english province in America. They met and talked with
a Mr. Telner, who it seems represented the proprietors of Carolina. They
then returned to Germany.(48) The plans probably miscarried as nothing
was heard of the venture later.
However, two proposals, made by the High German Company of Thuringia,
suggested to the proprietors of Caroina the kind of advertising to use
with the greatest appeal in the Gertnanies. On September 2., 1705, the
German Company asked the Carolina proprietors to announce "that all such
as shall address themselves to them, After the first Transport (Seing it
is needless at the first shiping over) and are not able to pay any monie
for their passage, should be transported free by your Lordps without any
payment as far as Carolina." This was to be repaid finally by years of
service for the com- pany in Carolina.
The second proposal was an inducement to be carried out only after the
first transport had safely arrived in Carolina, "for what I am now going
to say could not possibly be ventured sooner. There should be published
by us and in our names, a short plain description of the good situation
and Conveniences of the Country, with the advantageous Conditions granted
to us by the proprietors, there should also circumstancially be sett forth
the great eveready proffetts that might be Expected from there, and subjoyned
'thereunto Expecially this clause, that a Poor Man hath only need to provide
himself to come to London and then to pay nothing for his transport thence
to Carolina because upon his address to the Lords Proprietors they would
maintain and transport him to Carolina whereby nothing which might recomend
and make this country should be past by or omitted. Such printed and published
description to be authorized by a short preffase by the Lords Proprietors,
would then by good friends, left behind be everywhere made known and there
being now to God no doubt but that in these hard times in Germany....,"(49)
colonization would be quickened.
In 1706 Kocherthal was not so particular as to require that he be settled
in America first. He obliged the proprietors with his Aussfuhrlich und
umstandlicher Bericht von der berumten Landschafft Carolina. . . . The
Queen was substituted for the Lords Proprietors as the kindly benefactor
and veiled promises were made. The fulfillment of the Thuringian suggestion
is apparent. What is not so evident, is Kocherthal's remuneration. Kocherthal
never even visited Carolina, much less settled there. On his arrival in
England in 1708, he appealed to the Queen for aid in accordance with his
pamphlet's hints. It would seem that the author was sincere in writing
of the Queen's help, which was anticipated, as quoted above. Kocherthal
was well received by the English government but was sent to New York. This
will be related below.
Similar advertising concerning Pennsylvania was also producing air castles
for disheartened Germans. William Penn, who later founded Pennsylvania,
made several visits to the Rhine country, one in 1677."(50) Penn discussed
religious matters with many Lutherans and Calvinists of the Rhine Valley.
The royal charter for Pennsylvania was granted in 1681. Shortly thereafter
appeared in London a brief description of the new province: Some account
of the Province of Pennsylvania in America.(51) Penn offered to sell one
hundred acres of land for two English pounds and a low rental. He combined
humanitarianism with business, for he advertised popular government, universal
suffrage, and equal rights to all regardless of race or religious belief.
Murder and treason were the only capital crimes; and reformation, not retaliation,
was the object of punishment for their offenses. This book appeared in
translation in Amsterdam the same year and its distribution in the upper
Rhine country probably affected favorably the movement of Germans to Pennsylvania.(52)
Pennsylvania was the best advertised province and it was mainly due
to the liberal use of printer's ink. No professional promoter or land speculator
of the present day could have devised any scheme, which would have proved
a greater success than the means taken by William Penn and his counsellor,
Benjamin Furley, to advertise his province(53) Various books were published
for German consumption for over twenty, years previous to the emigration
of 1709-11 Among them, Pastorious' Umstandige geographische Beschreibung
(detailed geographical description) of 1700 and Daniel Falckner's Curieuse
Nachricht von Pennsylvania (curious news from Pennsylvania) of 1702 were
combined into a single work in 1704 by the Frankfort Company, for whom
Falckner became attorney along with Benjamin Furley.(55 )
One writer tells us that English agents were sent throughout the Palatinate
to induce immigration, much in the same way as did our western railroad
companies of a later date. These companies, having received large bounties
in land from the government, sent agents throughout Europe to influence
emigration so that their land grants might be settled and revenue-producing.(56)
These early land agents, "Neulander,"(57) or whatever they may be called,
must have used to full advantage the reputation Penn and his colony had
acquired in the Rhineland.(58) Simmendinger, quoted above, gave his expected
destination as Pennsylvania. Luttrell reported foreign news on April 28th
and May 12, 1709, of Palatines coming to England bound for Pennsylvania.(59)
Penn's advertising was productive of good results at last.
Before the kind of help extended to the emigrants and the means employed
by the British government can be understood, it is necessary that the position
of England as the protector of the Protestant cause in Europe be understood.
William of Orange with his wife Mary had taken the English throne from
his father-in-law, James II, in 1688 to secure intervention by England
and support for the Protestant cause on the continent against the encroachments
of Catholic France.(60) As Louis XIV aged, he grew more intolerant. Counsels
of moderation even by the influential Madame de Maintenon were unavailing.
In 1685 the Edict of Nantes, granting religious toleration to French Protestants,
was revoked and persecution followed.(61) Many Huguenots, as the French
Protestants were called, fled to England, Germany and the New World.(62)
When William declared war on France in 1689, he published a "Proclamation
for the encouraging French Protestants to transport themselves into this
Kingdom, " promising that they would not only have his royal protection
but that he would also "so aid and assist them in their several trades
and ways of livelihood, as that their being in this realm might be comfortable
and easy to them.""(63)
Queen Anne on her accession in 1702. continued, under the guidance of
the Marlboroughs and their relatives, those policies on which was predicated
her right to the throne.(64) The Second Hundred Years' War entered its
second phase, the War of the Spanish Succession. In diplomatic discussions
the English sought to secure religious and civil rights for the Protestants
on the continent. They even considered proposing in the negotiations for
peace at Geertruidenberg in 1708 that the change in a ruler's religion
should not "influence the worship or revenues of his subject (wch is the
most reasonable thing in the most), most of the evill effects proceeding
from such a change of religion will be avoyded."(65) In other ways help
was extended to foreign Protestants, such as those of Bergen and Courland,
for example. At their petition collections were taken up in England under
government auspices for funds for building of churches."' When on June
12, 1709, a French Protestant petitioned Queen Anne in behalf of "a million
persecuted Protestants, .. she assured her petitioner, " she had already
given her ministers abroad instructions concerning the same and will doe
for them what else lies in her power.",'(67) There are other indications
of a similar nature, which show that the Protestants looked to the English
Queen to take care of their interests.(68)
At this time Queen Anne was especially susceptible to Protestant appeals.
Queen Anne's consort, Prince George of Denmark, died on October 2.8, 1708,
"to the unspeakable grief of the Queen.",(69) Prince George was of German
Stock,(70) a Lutheran, and had brought many of his countrymen and co-religionists
to London. The Royal Chapel in St. James Palace (Lutheran) established
in 1700, owed its existence to him.(71) The funeral sermon which the Reverend
John Tribbeko preached in the Royal Chapel on November 21st emphasized
the Prince's interest in the Protestant cause." It probably softened the
Queen's grief to act as the gracious benefactress of the oppressed co-religionists
of her departed husband.(73) At any rate she took a great deal of interest
in relieving the Palatines in 1709.
A more important question is how far the English Ministry was aware
of the advertising activities and how far it countenanced them. The English
policies were predicated on the postulates of mercantilism accepted by
seventeenth century Europe.(74) These mercantilist doctrines attached a
high value to a dense population, as an element of national strength. It
was even argued that colonies would weaken the parent country by lessening
the population." In this view of migration, England would benefit by, and
the Rhine countries would lose, and perhaps oppose, the movement of peoples.
It was said to be "a Fundamental Maxim in Sound Politicks, that the Greatness,
Wealth, and Strength of a Country, consist in the Number of its Inhabitants."(76)
The preamble of an English law of 1709 observed that "the increase of people
is a means of advancing the wealth and strength of a nation.(77) The States
General of Holland echoed "that the Grandeur and Prosperity of a Country
does in general consist in a Multitude of Inhabitants."(78) The Monthly
Mercury, a contemporary English publication, discussing Holland's new law,
remarked that "The States [were] sensible of the Truth of the Maxim that
thenumberof Inhabitants is thestrengthof a nation... . "(79)
In pursuance of such aims, the English Parliament was bombarded with
propaganda favorable to the naturalization of foreign Protestants. Under
the heading "Some weighty considerations for Parliament," Archdale, the
Carolina proprietor referred to before, wrote that 2.,000 white people
in Carolina were worth 100,000 at home. He argued that this was due to
their use of English goods and the products they exchanged so favorably
for England." He went on,"' the body of Europe is under a general fermentation
. . . which will more and more persecute an uneasy body of Protestants
. . . [who] opprest with taxes, drained of their wealth and lyeing in the
jealous sight of popery, are growne so uneasy, as to be willing to transplant
themselves under the English Govern- ment." A petition from'a Pennsylvania
German asked for a naturalization act for German Protestants, who although
inclined to emigrate were under great difficulties from lack of it.(81)
William Penn was the author of a general naturalization bill for the
colonies. In urging its approval to a member of the House of Lords, he
pointed out "the interest of England to improve and thicken her colonys
with people not her own."(82) But early in January, 1709, Penn wrote to
James Logan in Pennsylvania, " Tho' we have here a bill for Naturalization
in the House, and I think I never writ so correctly, as I did to some members
of Parliament, as well and discoursed them on that subject.... it moves
but slowly ...... "(83)
Finally, giving way to the pressure, Parliament moved to encourage immigration
and on February 5th, leave was given in the House of Commons to bring in
a bill for naturalizing foreign Protestants. On the 2.8th the bill passed
its first test vote on a motion to continue the old provision of the law,
which lost 101 to 198. The bill was passed on March 7th by a vote of 203
to 77, but over the protests and opposition of the City of London, whose
authorities wanted a clause inserted protecting their own rights to the
duties paid by aliens.(84) On the 15th the bill was agreed to by the Lords
65 to 20. Royal assent made it a law on March 23rd.(85) This was the first
general naturalization law in England. It provided that the naturalized
had to take the oath of allegiance, and partake of the sacrament according
to the Anglican ritual before witnesses, who signed a certificate to that
effect. In addition, all the children of naturalized parents were to be
considered natural-born subjects."'(86) The greatest benefit secured by
the act was the right to purchase and hold land, which might be transmitted
to one's children. Those naturalized were also permitted to take part in
trade and commerce, usually forbidden to foreigners."(87)
Palatine or German immigrants were not particularly mentioned it appears.
But Macpherson states, "This law was said to have been made with a particular
view to the Protestant Palatines brought this year into England." (88)
Certain it is that by the time the act was passed, the first wave of the
emigration was already well on its way down the Rhine.(89) Still the news
of the bill's consideration by the English Parliament may have reached
prospective immigrants. That this act was a preparation for their coming,
or even an added attraction for the immigration itself is highly probable.
It would seem then, that the parties who urged and were successful in securing
the passage of the naturalization law, were intimately connected with colonial
projects in America. Men, such as Archdale and Penn, stimulated through
agents and advertising a movement of people, who assured themselves that
the British government had engaged to provide for them.
On the other hand the British authorities do not seem to have prepared
for such a large immigration. In fact, the records of the Board of Trade
and Privy Council may be searched in vain for evidence that the Palat 'ine
immigration was planned or at least expected and prepared for, other than
by the general naturalization act just referred to. But this much is clear,
the English government under Anne was embarking upon a mercantilist policy
of colonial development, in which its population both at home and in the
colonies was to be enlarged by stimulating and even subsidizing immi- gration
from foreign shores.
Precedents existed for governmental controlled immigration for English
dominions. In 1679, Charles II sent two loads of French Huguenots to South
Carolina, in order to introduce the cultivation of grapes, olives and the
silkworm. (90) In 1694, Baron de Luttichaw petitioned for permission to
import 200 Protestant families, some 1,000 persons, from the Germanies
to his land in Ireland.(91) In 1697, King William offered a grant of 500
pounds to some Jamaica merchants to transplant men to Jamaica.(91) In 1706,
Governor Dudley of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, proposed that a
colony of Scots be settled in Nova Scotia." In the same year, Colonel Parke,
governor of the Leeward Islands asked for .. 10,000 Scotch with otemeal
enough to keep them for 3 or 4 months" to lead against [French] Martinique.
He proposed to settle them there, if successful.(94) But reception of the
Huguenots in England in Elizabeth's reign seemed to be the most applicable
precedent, and it was strongly cited for that purpose." With the ambitious
design of James II to unite all the colonies under one government, the'resources
of Parlia- ment and the Crown were used to foster immigration.
>
In the reign of Queen Anne this idea took practical shape. Considerable
sums of money were expended to assist Protestant refugees in making their
way to England and the English colonies. For example, early in 1706 Secretary
of State Hedges informed Governor Granville of Barbados concerning one
Francisco Pavia and his family from Cadiz, whom "H. M. has not only bestowed
her royal bounty upon . . . to transport them thither, but also recommended
them to you, that you will give them all fitting countenance and assistance.
" (96) In the same year the Board of Trade at the behest of Secretary of
State Hedges considered a proposal by Franqois Louis Michel and George
Ritter to settle some "4 or 500 Swiss Protestants . . . on some uninhabited
lands in Pennsylvania or on the frontier of Virginia." The last stipulation
called for transportation with their effects from Rotterdam at Her Majesty's
expense. The Board of Trade approved the proposal, and made practical suggestions
for carrying it out. Indeed, the Board did not even find fault with the
suggestion that the government should pay the cost of transportation, which
it estimated would be eight pounds per head.,' This proposal was carried
out under private auspices with a handsome subsidy. These efforts were
due largely to political and commercial motives, and partly to the genuine
interest which England took in championing the Protestant cause in Europe.(98)
Still such a program of colonial development" had to be pursued with
caution to avoid diplomatic intervention. Not all governments were ready
to rid themselves of an 'undesirable religious sect by arranging deportation
to British America as the Swiss canton of Bern did in 1710.(100) Indeed,
as a rule, princes were not disposed to permit their subjects to be enticed
from their obligations to thern.(101) For this reason open invitations
apparently were not issued. It can be concluded that the large German emigration
of the second decade of the eighteenth century was due in a general way
to these causes: (a) war devastation, (b) heavy taxation, (c) an extraordinary
severe winter, (d) religious quarrels, but not persecutions, (e) land hunger
on the part of the elderly and desire for adventure on the part of the
young, (f) liberal advertising by colonial proprietors, and finally (g)
the benevolent and active cooperation of the British government.(102) The
background and causes of the Palatine emigration have been described, but
the manner in which the British government participated in the actual movement
has still to be pointed out. In particular, how did the emigration gather
momentum? This will be dis- cwsed in Chapter 111. Chapter 11 will describe
the small 1708 immigration, which blazed the trail. --------------------------------------------
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